Amid roiling debates about the impact of screen time on teenagers, roughly half of those ages 13 to 17 are themselves worried they spend too much time on their cellphones. Some 52% of U.S. teens report taking steps to cut back on their mobile phone use, and similar shares have tried to limit their use of social media (57%) or video games (58%), a new Pew Research Center survey finds.

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Teens’ sometimes hyperconnected relationship with their devices is also evident in other findings from the Center. Fully 72% of teens say they often or sometimes check for messages or notifications as soon as they wake up, while roughly four-in-ten say they feel anxious when they do not have their cellphone with them. Overall, 56% of teens associate the absence of their cellphone with at least one of these three emotions: loneliness, being upset or feeling anxious. Additionally, girls are more likely than boys to feel anxious or lonely without their cellphone.

Parents, too, are anxious about the effects of screen time on their children, a separate survey shows. Roughly two-thirds of parents say they are concerned about their teen spending too much time in front of screens, and 57% report setting screen time restrictions for their teen in one way or another.

At the same time, some parents of teens admit they also struggle with the allure of screens: 36% say they themselves spend too much time on their cellphone. And 51% of teens say they often or sometimes find their parent or caregiver to be distracted by their own cellphone when they are trying to have a conversation with them.

Additionally, 15% of parents say they often lose focus at work because they are distracted by their phone. That is nearly double the share of teens (8%) who say they often lose focus in school due to their own cellphones.

These are some of the main findings from the Center’s survey of 743 U.S. teens and 1,058 U.S. parents of teens conducted March 7-April 10, 2018. Throughout the report, “teens” refers to those ages 13 to 17, and “parents” refers to parents of at least one child ages 13 to 17.

Teens express mixed views about whether they spend too much time in front of screens, but half or more have cut back on the time they spend using various technologies

Teen life is suffused with technology. The vast majority of teens in the United States have access to a smartphone, and 45% are online on a near constant basis. The ubiquity of social media and cellphones and other devices in teens’ lives has fueled heated discussions over the effects of excessive screen time and parents’ role in limiting teens’ screen exposure. In recent months, many major technology companies, including Google and Apple, have announced new products aimed at helping adults and teens monitor and manage their online usage.

As they look at their own lives and those of their peers, most teens see things that worry them. Roughly nine-in-ten teens view spending too much time online as a problem facing people their age, including 60% who say it is a major problem.

When it comes to evaluating their own online habits, teens express mixed views about whether or not they themselves spend too much time on various screens. Roughly half (54%) believe they spend too much time on their cellphone, while 41% say they spend too much time on social media. By contrast, only around one-quarter (26%) believe they spend too much time playing video games – comparable to the share (22%) who say they spend too little time gaming. Meanwhile, roughly four-in-ten teens say they spend about the right amount of time on social media or gaming.

Despite these varying views about screen time, roughly half or more teens say they have tried to limit the amount of time they spend on each technology. Some 52% have ever cut back on the time they spend on their cellphone, while 57% have limited their time spent on social media and 58% have cut back on their time playing video games.

Interestingly, there is little association between teens’ views of how much time they spend on various screens and whether or not they have tried to limit their time on those devices. For instance, 53% of teens who say they spend too much time on their cellphone have ever cut back the amount of time they spend on their phone. That is nearly identical to the 55% of teens who say they spend about the right amount or too little time on their phone who have tried to limit their mobile usage.

Boys and girls have differing perceptions of the amount of time they spend using various technologies. Girls are somewhat more likely than boys to say they spend too much time on social media (47% vs. 35%). By contrast, boys are roughly four times as likely to say they spend too much time playing video games (41% of boys and 11% of girls say this).¹ There are no notable statistically significant differences by race and ethnicity or household income.

A majority of teens check their phones for messages or notifications as soon as they wake up, with 44% saying they often do this

Cellphones are deeply embedded in the everyday experiences of most U.S. teens. Most notably, 72% of teens say they at least sometimes check for messages or notifications as soon as they wake up (with 44% saying they often do this). And 57% feel they often or sometimes have to respond to messages from other people immediately. Meanwhile, 31% of teens say they lose focus in class because they are checking their cellphone – though just 8% say this often happens to them, and 38% say it never does.

Teens across a range of demographic groups respond in similar ways to these questions about their cellphone use. However, teens ages 15 to 17 are particularly likely to say they check for messages as soon as they wake up – 49% say they often do this, compared with 37% of teens ages 13 to 14.

Teens encounter a range of emotions when they do not have their cellphones, but anxiety tops the list

The survey asked about five different emotions teens might feel when they do not have their cellphones, and “anxious” (mentioned by 42% of teens) is the one cited by the largest share. Around one-quarter say they feel lonely (25%) or upset (24%) in these instances. In total, 56% associate the absence of their cellphone with at least one of these negative emotions. Even so, 17% each say they feel relieved or happy when their cellphone is not around. And 28% say none of these words describe their feelings when they are without their phones.

Girls are more likely than boys to express feelings of anxiety (by a 49% to 35% margin) and loneliness (by a 32% to 20% margin) when they do not have their phone with them. Meanwhile, boys are somewhat more likely to say they feel none of these particular emotions when they are without their cellphone (33% vs. 23%).

Device distractions and concerns about screen time occur among parents and teens alike

Along with asking teens about their views of screen time and distractions due to the technologies in their lives, the Center also fielded a separate survey in which parents of teenagers shared their views about a subset of these issues. At a broad level, this survey finds that parents are somewhat less concerned about their own technology use than teens are about theirs. Around one-third of parents (36%) say they spend too much time on their cellphone, and 23% say the same about their social media use. Slightly more than half of parents (55% in each case) believe they spend the right amount of time on their cellphone or on social media.² For the most part, parents of different genders, races and ethnicities, and income levels report similar levels of concerns about their own technology use.

When asked to reflect on their teen’s cellphone use, a majority of parents (72%) feel their teen is at least sometimes distracted by their cellphone when they are trying to have a conversation with them. Indeed, 30% of parents say their teen often does this. At the same time, this sense of distraction caused by cellphones is not an entirely teen-specific phenomenon. When asked this question about their parent’s behavior, half of teens say their parent is distracted by their own phone at least sometimes during conversations between them (51%), with 14% of teens reporting that their parent is often distracted in this way.

Compared with teens, parents are less likely to check their phones as soon as they wake up – but are more likely to report distractions away from home

When responding to questions related to their cellphone use, parents and teens diverge in some ways but not in others. Teens are much more likely than parents to say they often check their cellphone for messages or notifications as soon as they wake up (44% vs. 26%). But similar shares of parents and teens often feel as if they have to respond to others’ messages immediately (18% of teens and 20% of parents say this). And parents are actually more likely than teens to report out-of-home distractions due to their cellphone. Some 15% of parents say they often lose focus at work because they are checking their cellphone – double the share of teens (8%) who say they often lose focus in class for that reason.

Roughly two-thirds of parents are concerned their teen spends too much time in front of screens; a slightly smaller share limits how often their teen can be online or on their phone

While teens’ opinions about whether they spend too much time on technologies vary, parents largely agree that too much screen time for their teen is an area of concern. Overall, around two-thirds of parents (65%) say they worry to some extent about their teen spending too much time in front of screens, with one-third saying this worries them a lot. Additionally, more than half of parents (57%) say they limit when or how long their teen can go online or use their cellphone, including about a quarter who say they often do this. Using a somewhat different question wording, a 2014-2015 Pew Research Center survey of parents found that a similar share of parents said they ever set screen time restrictions for their teen.

Parents across numerous demographic groups report similar levels of concern over their teen’s screen time, but certain subgroups are more likely than others to say they put screen time limits on their teen. Most notably, parents of teens ages 13 to 14 are significantly more likely to set screen time restrictions than parents of teens ages 15 to 17. Fully 71% of parents of younger teens regularly do this, compared with 47% of parents of older teens. This finding is also consistent with the Center’s previous survey of parents and teens. In addition, moms of teens are more likely than dads to say they often or sometimes limit how long or when their kids can go online or use their cellphone (62% vs. 51%).

On the other hand, parents of boys and girls are equally concerned about their teen spending too much time in front of a screen, and parents are also about equally likely to set screen time limit for boys and girls.

Interestingly, parents who express heightened worries about their teen’s screen exposure are more likely to say they set screen time restrictions than those who do not. Some 63% of parents who worry a lot or some about their teen’s screen time say they at least sometimes set limits on that behavior, but that share falls to 47% among parents who worry not too much or not at all.

Not only do the majority of parents take actions to limit their teen’s screen time, but most parents are at least somewhat confident that they know how much screen time is appropriate for their child (86%). This pattern holds true across multiple demographic groups such as gender, race and ethnicity, and educational attainment. In fact, four-in-ten parents are very confident about the right amount of screen time for their teen.

Forty percent of adult internet users² have personally experienced some variety of online harassment. In this study, online harassment was defined as having had at least one of six incidents personally occur:

• 27% of internet users have been called offensive names
• 22% have had someone try to purposefully embarrass them
• 8% have been physically threatened
• 8% have been stalked
• 7% have been harassed for a sustained period
• 6% have been sexually harassed

Name-calling and efforts to purposefully embarrass someone are the most frequent forms of online harassment. Among those who have experienced some type of online harassment, two-thirds said that they had experienced name-calling and 54% were the target of embarrassment. For those who have only experienced one type of online harassment, some 81% indicate that their single experience involved name calling or purposeful embarrassment. In addition, these two elements also tend to occur alongside other, more serious examples of harassment. For instance, 80% of those who have experienced sexual harassment online have also been called offensive names and 63% have been purposefully embarrassed by someone online.

Put differently, online harassment falls into two distinct yet frequently overlapping categories. Name-calling and embarrassment constitute the first class and occur widely across a range of online platforms. The second category includes less frequent—but also more intense and emotionally damaging—experiences like sexual harassment, physical threats, sustained harassment, and stalking.

The rest of this report will explore these two categories of harassment in terms of the groups they impact, the online environments in which they occur, and the emotional and personal repercussions they produce.

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Demographics of Online Harassment

Young people are the most likely demographic group to experience online harassment; men and women experience different varieties.

The level and intensity of harassment that people face online breaks down along a number of demographic lines.

Online men are somewhat more likely than online women to experience some level of online harassment overall. Some 44% of men and 37% of women have experienced at least one of the six types of harassment. Men are somewhat more likely than women to experience certain less severe forms of harassment like name-calling and being embarrassed. At the same time, online men are also slightly more likely to have received physical threats. While the differences are small, women are significantly more likely than men to report being stalked or sexually harassed on the internet. Name-calling and purposeful embarrassment are the most common forms of harassment experienced by both men and women alike.

Harassment occurs among all age groups, but it is especially prevalent among younger adults. Some 65% of internet users ages 18-29 (and 70% of those ages 18-24) have experienced some type of harassment online.

The youngest internet users, those ages 18-24, are particularly likely to say they are targets of some of the more severe kinds of harassment. Almost a quarter, 24%, have received physical threats. Some 19% have been the target of sexual harassment. Another 17% have been harassed for a sustained period of time.

Online harassment is especially pronounced at the intersection of gender and youth: women ages 18-24 are more likely than others to experience some of the more severe forms of harassment. They are particularly likely to report being stalking online (26% said so) and sexually harassed (25%). In addition, they are also the targets of other forms of severe harassment like physical threats (23%) and sustained harassment (18%) at rates similar to their male peers (26% of whom have been physically threatened and 16% of whom have been the victim of sustained harassment). In essence, young women are uniquely likely to experience stalking and sexual harassment, while also not escaping the high rates of other types of harassment common to young people in general.

Stalking and sexual harassment are more prevalent among young women than among young men. But they are also more prevalent among young women than among women even a few years older (those ages 25-29). Women ages 18-24 who use the internet are more than twice as likely as women ages 25-29 to have experienced sexual harassment online (25% vs. 10%) and three times as likely to have been stalked online (26% vs. 8%). In addition, they are twice as likely as that older cohort to have been physically threatened (23% vs. 11%) and twice as likely to have been harassed for a sustained period of time (18% vs. 8%).

African-American and Hispanic³ internet users are more likely than their white counterparts to experience harassment online. Some 51% of African-American internet users and 54% of Hispanic internet users said they had experienced at least one of the six harassment incidents, compared with 34% of white internet users.

Open-end responses: Politics and religion

Throughout this report, some of the most compelling comments from open-ended questions about online harassment will be featured. Respondents were asked to describe their most recent experience and their answers ranged from simple phrases like “on Facebook” to detailed accounts of disturbing encounters. Here is a selection of insights from respondents who said they were called names or otherwise harassed for expressing political or religious opinions.

“Through social media, and especially when commenting on controversial issues, often my difference of opinion from others would result in those who do not agree insulting and berating instead of arguing their point respectfully.”

“While commenting on a sensitive religious feminist issue, I was attacked because of my opinion and some of the other commenters resorted to name-calling in their anger.”

“On Facebook, a few days ago, I expressed my feelings about present issues and was harassed and called names. Of course there were not substantive arguments—just judgmental, harsh name calling.”

“I have been ridiculed for my religious and political beliefs.”

“Nothing major, just banter on a political discussion board. I view it as a badge of honor – usually means I made my point well when there is nothing left to say other than name calling.”

“Folks with different views would rather throw names than discuss real issues.”

“Someone has tried to embarrass me for my social views (but I am pretty good at defending myself, so no worries).”

“Just aggressive responses to my post in the politics section of the forum I visit. I really know better – nobody changes their mind based on something they read on an internet forum.”

“Someone didn’t like a comment I made about their post about Obamacare. I pointed to facts I don’t think he knew about so he called me an idiot and said I had no idea what I was talking about.”

“I’ve been called all sorts of names online in response to my being Jewish, and in response to my politically conservative views.”

“I am a strong supporter of LGBTQ persons. I’ve been invited to leave my church and start my own gay/lesbian church.”

“Just name calling because I don’t support Obama policies and occasionally get accused of being racist.”

“Someone asked me what my views were on a topic, gay marriage. I knew they didn’t want to know what I thought and tried to steer away from the topic. The person wouldn’t drop it and I eventually said, ‘I leave the situation up to the voters, but my personal belief is marriage is defined by one man and one woman.’ They then went into how I should be ashamed to be, ‘a f*****g intolerant right wing racist bigot.’”

“I am constantly attacked on gun control as recent as the police shootings and the shooting across from diner in Walmart.”

“Every time I say something in favor of the President I get called all kinds of names.”

“Attacks by Obama supporters who have nothing else but insults. I was called a racist on a blog for criticizing administration lies.”

“A person whose political opinion I disagreed with told me that I should punch myself in the face and that if I didn’t do it good enough he’d come and take care of it for me.”

“When I expressed disagreement with some of the core concepts of contemporary feminism (Rape Culture, privilege, toxic masculinity, etc.), any feminist who doesn’t already know me has been quick to characterize me as a privileged, misogynistic rape apologist.”

“Name-calling for my pro-life stance online.”

‘While tweeting about a woman’s right to an abortion I was viciously harassed by numerous pro-life supporters.”

“I was called names by right-wing Facebook trolls. Since they can’t stand on their ideas, they feel they have to call names and belittle.”

“My Democrat brother chewed me on [a] Facebook political post and I reminded him I’d fight to the death for his right to disagree with me.”

Lifestyle Qualities and Online Harassment

Those who weave the internet more tightly into their daily lives report higher levels of online harassment.

A number of non-demographic factors are also associated with whether or not someone has experienced harassment online. Put simply, those who live out more of their lives online—whether for work, pleasure, or both—are more likely to experience harassment.

Respondents answered three questions about lifestyle, both online and off, that may contribute to a closer proximity to online harassment in general.

Some internet users share more about themselves online than others, on personal or professional topics. Some 12% of internet users said there was a lot of information available about them online, 40% said some was available, another 40% said a small amount was available, and finally 7% reported there was no information available about them online.

Among the half of internet users who said there was a lot or some information about them available online, there was a small but statistically significant difference between them and those with a little or no information available. Some 43% said they had experienced at least one of the six incidents of harassment. This is a bit more than the 38% of internet users who said there was a little or no information about them online.

A portion of jobs in America require self-promotion and sharing of personal information online, but for some that comes with a cost. Among the 21% of employed internet users who need to market themselves online as a part of their job, almost half, 48%, said they had experienced online harassment. This compares with 38% of those who do not need to market themselves online for their job.

The type of job a person holds is also relevant to their experiences with online harassment. Digital technology workers (17% of the employed internet users in our sample) are more likely to report experiencing online harassment.

Almost half of those internet users who work in the digital technology industry (48%) said they had experienced online harassment. This compares with 39% of those who do not work in the digital technology industry.

Across all three of these lifestyle traits, offensive name-calling and attempts to make someone embarrassed were the most common online harassment experiences. Those who work in the digital technology industry experienced name-calling at a rate of 39%, along with 32% of those who market themselves online for their job and 29% of those who say there is a lot or some information available about them online. Roughly a quarter, 27%, of those who professionally market themselves online were on the receiving end of efforts to be purposefully embarrassed, along with 24% of those who say there is a lot or some information available about them online and 24% of those who work in the digital technology industry.